The latest focus on Somalia has led to some confusion over maps and territorial boundaries. Somalia is no longer a “country” but three functioning areas that require different visas and have different governments. Somaliland, Puntland and Somalia are no longer one unified country. Mohammed Yusuf reports.

Those covering the drought find themselves actually in the latest Somali center, the massive refugee camp of Dadaab, Kenya, a mini nation unto to its own, run by western aid workers and guarded by Kenyans. Somalia is unique in that depending on the story a journalist may focus on, they might find themselves in essentially a different country.

Those covering the war of al Shabaab against the TFG find themselves in the oceanside enclave of Mogadishu strapped inside armored vehicles operated by Ugandans It would be hard to convince anyone that Mogadishu is not broken into three parts; Insurgent controlled, AMISOM controlled and the confused lines in between.

If your interest lies in piracy, then Puntland and Galmadug are the areas of focus. If the topic is ‘breakaway nations’ you could be excused for being baffled by regions that range from SSC to Galgamud to Jubaland. If you are doing a story on a functional Somali state vs dysfunctional you would be in Somaliland If your interest is history, there are the former French, British and Italian regions with scattered sultanates and trading ports.

The most common phrase used to describe the country is that “it has been wracked with warfare since its government fell” so if there is no government, who and what is Somalia?

Somalis are above all a race of around 17 million people who share an ethnic identity, language, and a general homeland. Somalis are not just found in Somalia. A people known for movement as pastoralists or as sailors they can be found primarily in Somalia (9M), Ethiopia (4.6M), Yemen (.9M), Kenya (1.5M), and Djibouti (.35M).

Somalis make up over 80% of the ethnic makeup of the region and they align themselves along clan and regional lines. The Somali language can be divided into three dialects with the common use of Arabic. By the end of World War Two, Somalia was divided along borders with some regions called “protectorates”.

French Somalialand was created along treaty lines beginning in 1883 until 1947 and lasting until 1967. British Somaliland was also established with treaties with the Warsangali Sultanate and then expanded into an colonial administration beginning in 1905. Italian Somaliland began also as a treaty with the Majeerteen Sultanate and expanded into the Italian Empire in 1936.

Ethiopia in the late 1930’s transferred from Haile Selassie’s control to Italy because Mussolini invaded in October 2, 1935. The region then became part of the Italian empire in Africa up until World War Two creating a very large “Somalia” with a smaller Harra, Scioa, Galla Sidamo, Amara and Eritrea. Before the war the only real ethnic division was between British Somaliland and Italian territory. Italy began to actively colonize the region creating an axis of commerce from the interior of Ethiopia towards Mogadishu. The Allies defeated Italy and returned Selassie annexing Eritrea in the process. Post war Ethiopia retained the Somali populated regions to the east and upon de-colonization, Eritrea began its war on independence in 1961.

This quick history vastly oversimplifies a number of liberation movements by tribal and regional elements against colonial interests.

Although the goal was to merge the northern protectorate and the southern trusteeship into one nation, Siad Barre seized control of the government and began building what is essentially now perceived by outsiders as “Somalia”. Due to abuses of Somalilanders, the region declared independence on May 18, 1988. The Siad Barre government fell in the early 90’s leaving much of the former nation to fend for itself. This turn of events created a territorial vacuum with Somaliland, a disputed region of Sool, Sanaag and Cayn, Puntland, Galmadug, and parts of southern Somalia seeking some degree of autonomy.

For years the determination of a state’s existence was formal diplomatic recognition. In Libya, a number of Western nations recognized the rebels rather than the actual leader Moamar Qaddafi. Kurdistan was a state briefly but is now part of Iraq. After decades of fighting South Sudan officially became a nation, even though it had operated like Somaliland with its own administration and clearly demarcated borders. There are also dozens of borders from Pakistan to Saudi Arabia to Somalia that continue to frustrate mapmakers who must make the call as to exactly what is a state and what is a border.

The most recent UN map of Somalia seems to be more a work of fiction based on the organizations intimate knowledge of the region. But their decision to keep Somalia as one big happy geographic family is in line with international laws. Most atlases show one Somalia without getting into the substates of Somaliland or Puntland, or even the quasi legitimacy of the TFG and al-Shabaab. Forget about the Ogaden and SSC every appearing on a map.

US based Somalia analyst Professor Michael Weinstein of Purdue University in Chicago toldSomalia Report that maps are most fundamentally indicators of political divisions and conflict.

“We must see the map, not as an objective representation of political units, but as a weapon of political propaganda that represents the interests of those who publish it,” explained Professor Weinstein.

The UN’s newest map of Somalia clearly demonstrates that they recognize the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) as the sole government of the territories of post-independence Somalia and reject the breakaway regions.

“Somalia is too much in flux to draw an objective map. The situation being in flux simply means that we’d have to change the map frequently, but each time we did so we would have an objective map until the situation changed again,” said the professor. “Therefore, the reason why we can’t get a single objective map is that Somali politicians and the external actors can’t agree on what it should be.”

There are maps which show the borders of Somaliland and Puntland quite differently, which clearly reflect the different territorial claims of the two states.

Professor Weinstein said that each new administration has a different view of the country’s borders reflective of their political positions.

“Each administration would draw a different map depending on its claims. That is why the map is a great indicator of the political positions of the different players,” said the professor.

Somalia’s civilian population are also divided on what Somalia map should look like. There are those who are for the idea of every region forming its own administration while others believe in unity and even expanding the country.

Ahmed Hassan, 43, a refugee in Hagardera Dadaab camp told Somalia Report he is for the idea of regions forming their own system of government and drawing different borders.

“We were fighting for twenty years and we are still doing it to date. We have tried to form a government for the last couple of years and as we try to move forward we find ourselves going three steps backwards,” complained Hassan.

“Since we love being tribal, let each community come up with their own administration, and we cut the whole of Somalia into pieces because Somalis don’t want to have one country,” he suggested.

Hassan says that if northeastern Kenya was part of greater Somalia, then half a million Somalis who are in Dadaab refugee camp wouldn’t be have any place to call a second home.

In the nearby Dagahley refugee camp Dadaab, Moulid Mohamed, 28, disagrees with the idea of dividing the whole country into different regions. He believes that people around the world are divided politically and ethnically, but live peacefully in democratic societies.

“We are not the only country that has experienced civil war, but our problem is that we don’t learn from our mistakes. We are still where we were twenty years ago, but I always hope we learn from past mistakes.”
Abdirizak Hussein, a student at the University of Nairobi, says he would like to see a big Somali map that comprises Djibouti, Ogaden and northeastern Kenya.

“I would like to go with the symbol in Somalia flag especially the star. We have two regions – southern Somalia and Somaliland – making up the country, but don’t you see we lack three more areas: Djibouti, Ogaden and northeastern Kenya.”

Abdiwahab Sheikh Abdisamad, a political analyst, toldSomalia Report that the case of Somaliland is different from the other breakaway administrations.

“Somaliland is still claiming some territories that were under British colonial rule, but we also see some clans in those territories saying they want to come up with their own administration challenging Somaliland’s concept of boundaries.”

Professor Weinstein said the map is the last thing that parties to a conflict would agree upon and the only way they can agree on a map would be to solve their territorial conflicts.

“Objective maps, therefore, are only possible when all the players agree on which territories belong to which actors,” he said.
For now the political vacuum will encourage change.

Troops from Somalia’s transitional government, backed by the African Union, have launched an offensive in Mogadishu against al Shabaab. Today’s fighting comes as emergency famine relief began streaming in via airlift. FSRN’s Mohammed Yusuf reports.

Fighting broke out in the capital Mogadishu hours after the World Food Programme began airlifting supplies into Somalia to feed thirty five thousand malnourished children and more than one million people internally displaced in the country. Abdirahman Omar is the Somalia’s Prime Minister Spokesperson. He says the government is trying to push al Shabaab back from areas settled by the internally displaced people so that aid agencies can operate in a safer environment.

“The offensive is the way of providing safe and secure environment for humanitarian aid agencies. This is the way for us ensuring that we are very serious about the humanitarian issues and we need to do everything in our power to ensure their safety and security.”

There had been a lull in fighting for the past two months, as all parties tried to deal with the moving Somali population hit by drought and famine. But on Wednesday, al Shabaab leaders said they were deploying 2,000 newly-trained forces to Mogadishu, including dozens of suicide bombers. They are threatening renewed attacks during Ramadan, which begins on August 1st.

United Nations officials have declared famine in Bakool and Lower Shabelle of southern Somalia amid drought and unending conflict leaving half of the Somali population in need of urgent aid assistance. FSRN’s Mohammed Yusuf reports.

The Famine is affecting nearly 3 million people in two al shabab strong hold regions in the south of the country. Four consecutive years of drought combined with two decades of civil war has exacerbated the situation. Tens of thousands of Somalis have died in the last few months alone, most of them children.

Mark Bowden is the UN’S Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia. He warns the rest of Somalia is also close to famine and conditions could deteriorate in the coming months.

“Famine is declared when acute malnutrition rate among children exceed 30%, more than four children under five per 10,000 die per day and there is acute death rate of two per 10,000 per day. More importantly people are not able to access food or rather basic necessities.”

As the Situation worsens in Somalia, civilians trek vast distances across land where it no longer seems to rain. They are headed to the Dadaab refugee camp, the most over-crowded in the world, to look for food, water and medical supplies.

But the Dadaab refugee camp is overwhelmed and aid workers are struggling to cope. UN officials say they give basic food rations to everyone who comes. But some refugees complain they can wait for days or even weeks without a proper food supply.

Outside Dagahley camp in Dadaab, is forty year old Fatuma Jamaa, a mother of seven children who arrived here five days ago with fifty other families from Sakow Middle Juba. She says they walked for more than a week AND since they arrived they have received nothing.

“We are fifty families who have escaped drought; our biggest problem is we don’t have a place to sleep. We lost our livestock, we have nothing. We really need anything that can sustain us.”

The most vulnerable in the camps are children, often they die a day or so after arriving at the camps. In the malnutrition centre of Hagardera camp Dadaab, twenty three year old, Abshiro Ali is holding her severely malnourished six month old baby. She says her son has been sick since they arrived at the camp twenty days ago.

“The day we arrived at the camp he was vaccinated. But after the vaccination he started vomiting and having diarrhoea for the last twenty days he has been sick and he is also malnourished.”

Along the Kenya- Somalia border three hundred families have camped in the cold without any assistance. Thirty five year old Nadhifa Hassan fled from THE coastal city Kismayu in lower Juba. She says many villages in Somalia are empty.

“The village we migrated to, the residents have also migrated they are not there, you will see few of them around. People are leaving they are going to camps; we will also go unless we get urgent help. People are dying of hunger, children are malnourished and they are prone to sickness and drought. We want people to come and help us urgently.”

Earlier this month humanitarian aid agencies welcomed al shabab’s request that they resume operations in areas under their control.

Bowden says humanitarian aid workers will be increasing health, water sanitation needs in the camps and distribute food to the moving population.

“Clearly addressing the food needs of the population is critical at the heart of this, I should also say that its critical this time we increase assistance to the population that are already moving and we would be working cross border in Somalia to provide additional assistance of those people who are on the move.”

The UN says Somalia is facing its worst food security crisis in two decades. Bowden says in some parts of Somalia half of all children under five are malnourished. And one in three children have suffered from severe food shortages. He called for international assistance.

“This desperate situation requires urgent action to save life, humanitarian operation in Somalia are difficult but they are not impossible, more than ever Somali people need and deserve full attention at this time of crisis we must all make exceptional efforts to support Somalis.”

Inside Somalia, nearly 1.5 million people are internally displaced. And nearly 800,000 have fled to neighbouring countries.

A top ranking Kenyan official has accused the international community of meddling with the country’s internal affairs by imposing unworkable measures to solve the ongoing refugee crisis in the northern region bordering war-torn, drought-stricken Somalia.

Dadaab acting District Commissioner Bernard ole Kipury says opening new refugee camps would threaten Kenya’s security. He said the country is already overstretched by an influx of Somali refugees, with daily new arrivals of 1,500. So far, the Dadaab hosts more than 370,000 refugees, becoming the world’s largest refugee camp. Mohammed Yusuf reports from Dadaab North Eastern Kenya.

In an interview with Somalia Report, Kipury reiterated that the opening of the Ifo II extension camp, will not offer long term solution to refugee crises in northern parts of Kenya.

“Kenya has been hosting Somali refugees for two decades now. We are grappling with huge security challenges as some of these refugees bring small arms that could be used to spread criminal activities in the country. The only way out of this quagmire is to focus more on stabilizing Somalia,” he said.

Recently, the Kenyan government yielded to international pressure and agreed to open the additional camp soon.

Prime Minister, Raila Odinga, last week said the government is willing to provide land for development of new camps.

However, observers fear that the Kenyan government will have to surmount many political, legal and financial hurdles before setting up new refugee camps. Opposition to opening of a new refugee camp has emerged from some quarters of Kenyan government arguing of a likelihood for hostilities and pressure on overstretched facilities in the existing camps.

Kipury claimed new arrivals are exerting pressure on environment and natural resources through cutting of trees for firewood and construction of new houses. “If you go around, you can see there are a few trees remaining now,” he said.

Kipury says there is also competition for water and pasture between the host communities and the refugees.

Fafa Attidzah, the UNHCR Dadaab sub-office head told Somalia Report, that even though Prime Minster Odinga promised Kenya will open the new camp, some Kenyan officials felt the influx of refugees was a security threat.

Fafa said host communities are ready to help refugees settle but they are very angry with the way refugees are being settled haphazardly.

“The Kenyan government announced they will open Ifo II camp but no one knows when because the government officials are raising a lot of concerns,” he said.

While the Somali government forces, backed by the US and African union troops, continue their war, there are indications al Shabab might also be struggling internally. Although recruitment of more fighters continues, a growing number are defecting. FSRN’s Mohammed Yusuf recently met and spoke with former insurgents.

Five years ago, 28 year-old Kismayu resident, Mohamed Farah, was with the local clan militia in lower juba southern Somalia. But he joined al-shabab after the insurgent group took over his coastal city. He said he had no other choice if he wanted to stay in his home town.

“In Somalia today, the only life for people is either carrying a gun ready for a fight or running away. If you don’t join either of the warring groups, then you are forced to leave the country.”

After joining the Islamist movement Farah was given the task to command more than one hundred gunmen, and they fought numerous battles in different parts of the country, including the capital Mogadishu. For many young men in Somalia, including Farah, joining warring groups is the only way to survive, and to make a living in a country that’s gone through decades of warfare and poverty.

Others have been targeted at school, including nineteen year-old, Ahmed Ibrahim who lived in a remote village in southern Gedo region. When al shabab came there to recruit fighters, his entire class joined.

“The reason I joined the group was all my friends, classmates and people who were around me, joined al shabab. They become fighters and started carrying weapons.”

Ibrahim fought with al-shabab for three years. When their base was attacked by a militia allied to the government, he was hit in the head by a stray bullet. Ibrahim said he became disillusioned with life in the bush and with al shabab.

“I had to leave al shabab. I came to know them better, after working with them for a couple of years. When you work with them you will get to know them better. Al Shabab has become a group that has isolated itself from the whole country and beyond. They think the whole country belongs to them. And when you work for them you are someone who is not free, you can’t do anything.”

In the areas under al-shabab control, people with incomes and business owners must pay them a tax of about $2000 a year. Those who cannot pay are forced to join the fight against the western-backed government. Many business men who pay the yearly tax have criticised al shabab for failing to circulate the money locally and invest in development.

Thirty year old, Abdullahi Weli was a business man in Bakol region in central Somalia before he joined al shabab. Like hundreds of other business owners, Weli said he didn’t have enough money to pay al shabab’s fees. He eventually couldn’t afford to keep his business open.

“I had a shop, when al shabab reached our area and started taking control. They blocked roads that were used to supply goods to our area especially roads from Mogadishu to Baidoa. I couldn’t get any supplies, and that’s how I lost my business”

Weli said he was unemployed for a year when a colleague who joined al shabab helped to recruit him. He told Weli he’d be taught Islam and paid good money. Weli weighed his options and decided to join. He was taken to a training camp for six months, where he trained with more than three hundred newly recruited al shabab fighters from different parts of the country. Weli said they were taught weapon assembly, its usage and how to put together explosives. No one left the camp except for those who were ready to be deployed to the battle field.

“One day there was a fight in the camp, after that fight, I heard someone firing his gun. He was one of our trainers, and shouting God is great, God is great! Honestly I was shocked; he was not leading us by good example. A lot of things came to my mind, after deep consideration I came to realize the people who we were fighting against – they were fellow Muslims.”

During his ten month stay with al shabab, Weli’s family pressured him to leave the group. Opposition to al-shabab was growing across Somalia and the US and UN-backed government began an offensive to oust the group. Al-shabab’s poor wages were also becoming a problem.

“For ten months of fighting, al-shabab paid me $100. My family and relatives were pressuring me 24 hours a day to leave the group, and there was no way I could convince them I should stay, I had to leave.”

Both Farah and Weli say they are done with the fighting; they just want to return to ordinary life. Ibrahim says he wants to continue his studies.
But their immediate outlook is bleak. They will be sent to North Eastern Kenya and the Dadaab refugee camp, the largest in world. More than three hundred and seventy thousand Somalis are seeking refuge here, in a camp that was built 20 years ago to only house ninety thousand.

Kenya shares a long, porous border with Somalia, the war-torn Horn of African nation that has been without a central government for 20 years now.

But, the border itself has been a beehive of activities with a thriving cross border ‘black market’ taking center stage. Basic commodities, such as foodstuff, and illegal firearms often find their way into neighboring Kenya and other East African countries through the 680-kilometer-long, isolated border.

According to residents, the illegal trade of essential items and arms smuggling has become the order of the day in the semi-arid northern Kenya region. Mohammed Yusuf reports from Kenya-Somali Border

Most people living in the border towns in the area, which also borders Ethiopia to the north, are allegedly engaged in smuggling and other illegal trading activities in order to earn a living. Kenyan officials say cases of insecurity along the border have increased dramatically as a result of the proliferation of the illicit small arms into the region.

Kenya, East Africa’s largest economy, has suffered massively due to the influx of the illegal weapons in the hands of Somali insurgents. Although the 37-million-strong East African nation has beefed up its security operations along its borders, suspected militants of Somali origin have continued to cross into her territory.

Observers say there are no customs border posts at the entry points and therefore hundreds of people crisscross the borders every day.

Hassan Ismail has been working in the ‘black market’ for six years. His father is a smuggler too. Ismail says he smuggles corn-flour, vegetable oil and other essential goods to Kenya.

“We do smuggle food stuff, we also smuggle relief food, and people who are living in the Kenyan border need these goods as they cannot survive without these goods,” he told Somalia Report.
He says his business has been doing well, though he admits that those who smuggle ammunition risk of being arrested.

“It’s not dangerous what we do, but people who smuggle ammunition and guns risk of being arrested,” he said.
North Eastern Kenya is a popular route among firearms smugglers. After feeling the heat from neighboring Kenya, the Somalia authorities set up military courts in areas under the control of their forces so as to punish soldiers caught being involved in the illegal trade of firearms.

The setting up of the military courts has helped reduce the infiltration of the illicit weapons, as well as restricting soldiers from selling their weaponry.

But some members of the Somali forces are allegedly employing new tricks to carry on with the illegal trade of firearms without being detected by the army commanders.

Salat, who prefers not to give his last name for security reasons, is one of members in the Somali national army force. He recently narrated to Somalia Report how some of his colleagues are engaged in the illegal activities.

“They fire around aimlessly. If you happen to visit the areas under our command, you will hear sounds of gunfire even when our enemies are 30 to 40 km away. They do this so as to get away with couple of ammunition,” he said.

Salat says most of them manage to save 10 to 15 bullets a day, the “brokers come and collect them.”
A local resident said most of the items on sale in the black market include goods, weapons and ammunition. “It’s a scandal,” he said, adding that Kenyan security officials often conduct regular swoops in the area.
“But they don’t stay long and the smuggling goes on and on,” he quipped.

A Kenyan security official at the border who did not want to be identified confirmed that the illegal cross border trade was a reality.

“We are really faced with a big challenge on arms smuggling and it’s very hard to control the area as there as so many routes that one can use to enter,” he confided.

“When you are in a border town, neighboring a country like Somalia, a lot really happens. We are aware of people smuggling arms along these borders, but sometimes we choose not to arrest them for our own safety because the arms smugglers can revenge,” he said.

But the officer said they erect regular check points inside the Kenyan territory, especially in neighboring towns, namely Wajir and Garissa, where they are able to net some of the offenders.

Kenyan Somalis living in North Eastern Kenya depend on goods from Somalia, as they are reasonably cheaper compared to those obtained in their own country.

Ismail says for the last couple of months they have not been able to smuggle any goods into Kenya due to shortage of trucks coming from the Somalia side.

“I have to adapt to the situation that we are facing now. With many areas now being under the control of government forces, we don’t seem to receive goods from Somalia,” he said, adding that he is trying to smuggle goods from Kenya into Somalia, a venture that he terms to be expensive.

In the beginning of this year, Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government forces seized control over some parts of the region from the militant al-Shabaab. This has caused suffering among ordinary Somalis who are now faced with starvation after the rebels reportedly blocked trucks delivering relief food from accessing towns in areas. As a result, no basic essentials are reaching to North Eastern Kenya, as well.

Aisha Abdi, 45, is one of the internally-displaced persons, who used to receive food aid when humanitarian relief agencies used to operate inside Somalia. She would receive five bags of corn from the aid organizations but she would sell four bags and remain with one bag.

“I used to sell my aid food given to me by the aid organizations and later sell them to business people,” she said.

She said she would sell them so as to get money to buy other foodstuff, like rice, wheat-flour and vegetable oil. “How do you expect me to feed on maize alone for two months?” she asked.
Ismail admits that he has been buying relief food from the refugees, adding that he doesn’t force people to sell their food.

But, El-wak district commissioner, Ibrahim Adan, told the Somalia Report that business along the border has subsided due to the increasing insecurity inside Somalia.
“There are no humanitarian agencies in southern Somalia, and people haven’t received aid for a long time now,” he said.

The Somali President and Speaker of the Parliament have come to an agreement to push back elections in the war-torn country another year. Although the UN is applauding the deal as a political breakthrough, Somali citizens showed anger by protesting in the capital. For FSRN, Mohammed Yusuf has the story

The so-called “Kampala Accord” delays the election of the President, the speaker and his deputies by one year. The agreement was signed by Transitional President Sharif Sheikh Ahmed and the Speaker of the Parliament in the Ugandan capital. It also calls for the resignation of Somalia’s Prime Minister within 30 days. The agreement ends a political stalemate, and officials said the delayed election will help them deal with security issues.

The announcement sparked wide protests in Mogadishu and other parts of the country controlled by the government. Ordinary Somalis, politicians and soldiers loyal to the ousted Prime Minister were among the demonstrators. They blocked streets and burned tires. They see the signing of the accord as a blow to the efforts by the government to defeat Al Shabab militants and bring peace and stability to the country. Somalia has been without a permanent government since 1991.

Rashid Abdi is the Horn of Africa Analyst with the International Crisis Group. He says people are angry about the Prime Minister being pushed out of office.
“He is a prime minister who is beginning to achieve, for his supporters I think this will be a sense of disquiet.”

In February, the transitional federal government extended its mandate to three years beyond the August 2011 deadline for forming a permanent government. The international community protested the decision, and since then, increased pressure on officials to end political bickering and reach an agreement before the government’s terms expires. Mohammed Yusuf, FSRN.

Somalia’s national army commanders are growing increasingly concerned that the civilian population is turning against its troops in southern Somalia as reports of discipline cases against government forces by the local resident increases.

Brigadier General Meirah, the TFG’s top commander in the Juba regions, told Somalia Report that commanders are facing a big task in the south to win public support after dozens of Somali national forces have disregarded military ethics ‘to respect law and protect civilians’. Mohammed Yusuf reports from Southern Somalia.

Somalia’s national army requires more forces in southern Somalia to hold to areas they captured from al-Shabab militants, according to somalia’s deputy defense minister and the military and political coordinator for southern regions, Abdirashid Hidig.

Hidig, who was appointed two months ago to lead the military offensive in southern Somalia, told Somalia report they don’t have enough soldiers to hold to the towns they have recently captured and that has hampered effort to move forward to crush al-Shabab. Mohammed Yusuf reports from Dhobley Southern Somalia.

Severe drought and famine are taking their toll on thousands of residents and internally displaced persons (IDPs), some of whom have been displaced several times due to fighting between governments forces and insurgents, in Somalia’s southern town of Dhobley 15Km away from the Kenya-Somali border.

Not only has the lack of clean water and food affected the residents, but a blockade of food delivery trucks by the Islamist militant group al-Shabab has created a dire situation for an already weak population. Mohammed Yusuf reports from Dhobley Southern Somalia.